Reblog from my dear friend, Jen Scott: the Aquarium, in memoriam

we came, we swam, we conquered the art of the home cinema

NOTE: I re-read this blog from my dear friend and former roomie, Jen Scott the other day. She wrote it in 2011, but nonetheless, for posterity’s sake, I have decided to post it here. Missing you!

“When I first moved to DC, I lived on a blow-up bed and the generosity of incredible friends. ‘The Dorm’, as we called it, quickly became one of Dupont Circle’s finest examples of authentic bohemia. It lasted for longer than any of us would have thought possible, until we were eventually dismantled at the insistence of the more strait-laced landlord.

I reluctantly decamped to a so-called English basement, thinking that I too could save my pennies by thriving happily below ground in a glorified boiler room.

Wild Pacific Salmon, madam?

Shortly after unpacking my single box of possessions I was dispatched to Bangladesh for work, where six weeks in a five star hotel suite ruined my housing palette and whetted my appetite for a place to call home. I stumbled off a sleepless 36 hour journey back to Washington and opened the door, only to burst into tears at the sight of my sad little basement with its non-existent kitchen, strip lighting and cracked floor tiles. I guess it’s possible that I was not actually as low maintenance as I’d like to have imagined. Perched atop my unopened suitcase, a quick craigslist search later (‘light, loft, space, DC’ ) returned the magnificent apartment that we came to call the Aquarium.

pre-party for the New Years Eve Disco Ball 2011

The apartment had been posted only an hour before and I hadn’t showered in more hours than were optimal. But having become familiar with the extreme sharkiness of the Washington rental market, I went round to see it that same day. Together with my friend Zara, we plotted to bag the space and began transforming this enormous, inviting blank canvas into our home.

the Aquarium may not always have had eggs in the fridge, but we were rarely lacking for a fine beverage selection.

It was a time of transition for both of us – we changed jobs, ended relationships, began new ones, found love, practiced yoga, experimented with the arts, cooked dinners, nursed injuries, threw parties, created a neighborhood cinema, installed a disco ball, slept through hermit weekends, hosted family, and lay quietly on our sofas watching the seasons come and go through the enormous 22 foot window. We were not without drama and trials. But somehow the space generated its own power to restore calm at the end of each day.

the more, the merrier

Winter went with a bittersweet transition, as Zara launched into a new phase of life and adventure in Mexico. But then my friends Rachel and spring arrived, and the dream lived on. Flux was a natural part of the Aquarium habitat; Rachel’s summer of weddings coincided with my summer of work trips. Our home had a strong gravitational pull, and the urban family just sort of drifted in at the slightest summon. The months ran into each other as we added to the stock pile of cumulative contentment.

It is with mixed feelings that I am now the one to leave. I have thought carefully about leaving the city, but I will for sure miss the wonderful people I have known there. The Aquarium has been one of the most constant friends I’ve made in Washington. In my itinerant adult life, it’s taught me for the first time the value of a safe haven, and the joy of making and sharing a place of your own. I’ve also learned that a nice home is a great tool for forging a community. But it is not the only one. Like houses, friendship communities need maintenance; though I am hoping that with a lot of investment and love, they can be much more mobile.”

Three Years of the Movement for Peace with Justice & Dignity

photo 1 The 28th of March marked the third anniversary of the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity (MPJD), a movement which emerged with the death of Juan Francisco Sicilia and six of his friends in 2011. Although more than 40,000 people had already been killed due to drug war related violence, this single incident in Cuernavaca, Morelos rocked the country. Unbeknownst to those who had killed him, Juan Francisco was the son of Javier Sicilia, a noted Mexican poet and intellectual.

Upon learning of the death of his son, rather than staying silent as many before him, he chose to speak out. On March 28, the Movement for Peace emerged as a political force of victims, family members, activists, academics and artists. Over the course of three years, they held dialogues with then President Calderon, the primary presidential candidates, held protests throughout Mexico City and completed three caravans, crossing all of Mexico and the United States.

Through it all, the victims and their families have stayed at the center. The stories of those who have been killed or disappeared as a result of the failed war on drugs continue to be told. Mothers, fathers, sisters and others continue to cry out in search for their loved ones. The pain has not diminished, but rather grows with each passing day in which justice is not served.

photo 4

To commemorate three years of walking side by side, of protesting, of supporting and of building a community, the MPJD decided to take action. Rather than focusing on policy recommendations or trying to move some government institution to take action (although that is always a goal), the Movement took charge of reappropriating public spaces as a means of creating memory within the consciousness of our society.

On March 27, 2014, we met at the Estela de Luz (although we call it the Estela de Paz) to install 30 plaques with the stories and names of those who have been killed in disappeared. Drilling through the granite was hard. The police came by to stop it. They were dissuaded. The museum below the Estela complained. They too were eventually turned away. Who in their right mind can deny a mother with four sons who have been disappeared the right to create a space where there memory lives on. No one. We drilled away until all the plaques had been placed. That space will never be the same.

On March 28, 2014, the Movement traveled to Cuernavaca, Morelos to engage in additional civil disobedience. This time, we went to the Gustavo Díaz Ordáz Boulevard. For those who don’t know, Díaz was the president responsible for the October 2, 1968 Tlatelolco massacre of students in Mexico City. It would be comparable to having a Pinochet Avenue in Chile or an Idi Amin Street in Uganda. Unthinkable.

Upon arrival at the Boulevard, we began taking down the street signs, one by one, replacing them with the exact same sign except it now read: 28 de Marzo, commemorating the anniversary of the Movement for Peace. Slowly walking up and down the street, individuals would climb the ladder to screw in the new name. As we walked the street, most of the cars passing by shouted expressions of support, but there were a few who called out that we were committing vandalism. (see the update). These actions might mean little when thinking about the injustice and corruption that exists in Mexico, but through these acts, we become closer. We grow together and we affirm that we are on the right side of history.

UPDATE: Since the actions on the 27th and 28th of March, the plaques are still at the Estela de Paz and have been left untouched. The new street signs on the other hand have been taken down and are back to having the name of someone responsible for the massacre of students in 1968. This signals to the Movement that we must continue to build consciousness. It was never about making someone’s life harder because the street name had been changed, but rather as a way of honoring the memory and history that we are currently living, as well as letting go of the violations we experienced in the past. We will continue building that memory and calling out the names of our loved ones. Vivos se los llevaron! Vivos los queremos!

Reform is not on the horizon, it has already arrived.

The Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) convenes once a year in March in Vienna at the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). In the recent past, the most exciting event was when Evo Morales, President of Bolivia, would show up and discuss the many uses of the coca leaf. However, this year was different with a heated debate occurring on the use of the death penalty for drug trafficking (condemning the death penalty didn’t happen, but the coalition continues to grow), a clear  fracture between member states and preparations for the 2016 United Nations General Assembly Special Session on drugs (UNGASS).

IMG_9503

Much of the discussion focused on minutiae such as controlling food poppy seeds and using the Olympics as a means to live a drug-free life, but within these distractions, there were hints that change is both on the horizon and already occurring. Uruguay was clearly the strongest reform voice, defending their newly passed law to regulate and control the production, distribution, sale and consumption of cannabis. But there were also surprises. Ecuador took a strong stance on the need for an open debate, a willingness to review the conventions and strong civil society presence at the upcoming UNGASS meeting.

Within the Mexican delegation, there was a clear division of interests: whether to join the progressive group of like-minded countries or to maintain a firm grip on the status quo. Based on hearing the country statements and their interventions on the UNGASS resolution, as well as meeting with several of the delegation members, it is clear that the fracture will not be quickly resolved. While there was agreement on treating the drugs issue as a health problem, there is still no consensus on the means by which that will occur, nor whether regulation is part of that agreement. Mexico affirmed that they were against legalization, yet spoke about the need for alternatives and new ways of addressing the problem, joining forces with other countries who are already moving towards models of regulation.

Since Mexico was one of three countries, along with Colombia and Guatemala to request the Special Session on drugs, there is a responsibility to bring something new to the table. If we are going to continue with the same strategy of militarization, prohibition and criminalization, there is no need to broaden the debate. Perhaps the changes will not be global–because with friends like Russia, China and Pakistan, who needs enemies–but rather we will see regional shifts that provide for a stronger platform from which to advocate alternatives.

The Organization of American States (OAS) has already begun to lead this process, Last year they released the Scenarios Report, which explored possible routes to decreasing violence levels in the region, including a possible regulatory model. At the CND this year, the OAS, along with Mexico, Guatemala, Colombia and Uruguay, hosted a side event on the report and ways that member states have used it to begin a national discussion on drug policy.

Uruguay, along with many civil society organizations focused on the need to give precedence to human rights obligations over drug control strategies. That will be a key point of convergence as member states begin designing their strategy for 2016. Human rights violations can no longer be justified under the umbrella of the war on drugs. The discussion regarding reforming or reviewing the drug conventions becomes less relevant when we prioritize human rights.

At the end of the day, it is clear that drug policy reform will happen on a national (Uruguay) or local (Colorado, Washington State) level, however there are many countries that are unwilling to act alone. Regional and international discussions allow us to take a break from the status quo and see the perspectives of others. We can begin to learn from each other. And often, the conversations that happen on the other side of the world begin to plant a seed of change in our own drug policies.

Overcoming Violence in the Middle East: Wassam from Iraq

I spent the last 10 days in the West Bank and in Amman, Jordan as part of a solidarity visit.  I had been to Israel, Ihad visited the Middle East before, but what made this different was that I had the opportunity to hear directly from young people throughout the region. And because of this direct contact, my perspective has been completely changed.  This is in no way to say that I am even close to understanding the complexities of the issue, but at the very least, my view is broadening.

Wassam, from Iraq, spoke about how the invasion by the United States had only brought destruction and violence to his country. From his point of view, as a young Christian Iraqi dentist, living under the regime of Saddam Hussein was preferable to the current situation. He spoke about the bombing of buildings and the fractured state of his country. And there was no doubt that without the US intervention, this would not have happened. Although life might not have been great under the Hussein government, he felt safer. At the very least, he knew what to expect and the Christian population was more protected. Now there is only chaos and confusion. He doesn’t know who will be in power and how they will react to this religious minority. He worries about persecution by extremists. But most of all, he wants his country back. He wants to feel proud of who they are, he wants to have the buildings be beautiful again.

Wassam is on the far right.

Wassam is on the far right.

Because my perspective is almost completely shaped by the New York Times and other western media, I was surprised to hear from so many people that they would prefer regimes that we have been told are “evil.” I consider myself a critical thinker, but when you are a religious minority, the authoritarian regime might be better because they protect you. It is the unknown that is most frightening.

 

Uplifting Exchange

I was invited by a friend to partake in chain email with uplifting passages that help us get through tough times. I wanted to share some of the pieces that have been sent to me.

“The artist, and particularly the poet, is always an anarchist in the best sense of the word. He must heed only the call that arises within him from three strong voices: the voice of death, with all its foreboding, the voice of love and the voice of art.”

― Federico García Lorca

——————————————–

“We know only too well that what we are doing is nothing more than a drop in the ocean. But

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if the drop were not there, the ocean would be missing something.”
Mother Teresa

———————————————-
The first is a quote of “Le Petit Prince” written by a French Writer, St Exupéry

“What makes the desert beautiful,” says the little prince, “is that somewhere it hides a well.”

———————————————–
The second one, is a part of Trotsky’s testament:

“Natasha has just come up to the window from the courtyard and opened it wider so that the air may enter more freely into my room. I can see the bright green strip of grass beneath the wall, and the clear blue sky above the wall, and sunlight everywhere. Life is beautiful. Let the future generations cleanse it of all evil, oppression and violence, and enjoy it to the full.”

——————————————–

Netzahualcoyotl said Nobody needs to say who he/she is since his/her actions will tell.

——————————————-

“Either we have hope within us or we don’t; it is a dimension of the soul, and it’s not essentially dependent on some particular observation of the world or estimate of the situation. Hope is not prognostication. It is an orientation of the spirit, and orientation of the heart; it transcends the world that is immediately experienced, and is anchored somewhere beyond it’s horizons…

Hope, in this deep and powerful sense, is not the same as joy that things are going well, or willingness to invest in enterprises that are obviously heading for success, but, rather, an ability to work for something because it is good, not just because it’s a chance to succeed. The more propitious the situation in which we demonstrate hope, the deeper the hope is. Hope is definitely not the same thing as optimism. It is not the conviction that something will turn out well, but the certainty that something makes sense, regardless of how it turns out.”

– Vaclav Havel

——————————

In the being the doing gets done.
—————————————-
To wonder at beauty,
Stand guard over truth,
Look up to the noble,
Resolve on the good.
This leadeth us truly,
To purpose in living,
To right in our doing,
To peace in our feeling,
To light in our thinking.
And teaches us trust,
In the workings of God,
In all that there is,
In the widths of the world,
In the depths of the soul.
————————————————-
On Friendship
Kahlil Gibran
Your friend is your needs answered.
He is your field which you sow with love and reap with thanksgiving.
And he is your board and your fireside.
For you come to him with your hunger, and you seek him for peace.
When your friend speaks his mind you fear not the “nay” in your own mind, nor do you withhold the “ay.”
And when he is silent your heart ceases not to listen to his heart;
For without words, in friendship, all thoughts, all desires, all expectations are born and shared, with joy that is unacclaimed.
When you part from your friend, you grieve not;
For that which you love most in him may be clearer in his absence, as the mountain to the climber is clearer from the plain.
And let there be no purpose in friendship save the deepening of the spirit.
For love that seeks aught but the disclosure of its own mystery is not love but a net cast forth: and only the unprofitable is caught.
And let your best be for your friend.
If he must know the ebb of your tide, let him know its

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For what is your friend that you should seek him with hours to kill?
Seek him always with hours to live.
For it is his to fill your need, but not your emptiness.
And in the sweetness of friendship let there be laughter, and sharing of pleasures.
For in the dew of little things the heart finds its morning and is refreshed.

The Journey

On making changes in life. On the new year. For inspiration.

The Journey

One day you finally knew
what you had to do, and began,
though the voices around you
kept shouting
their bad advice–
though the whole house
began to tremble
and you felt the old tug
at your ankles.
‘Mend my life!’

each voice cried.
But you didn’t stop.
You knew what you had to do,
though the wind pried
with its stiff fingers
at the very foundations,
though their melancholy
was terrible.
It was already late
enough, and a wild night,
and the road full of fallen
branches and stones.
But little by little,
as you left their voices behind,
the stars began to burn
through the sheets of clouds,
and there was a new voice
which you slowly
recognized as your own,
that kept you company
as you strode deeper and deeper
into the world,
determined to do
the only thing you could do–
determined to save
the only life you could save.

Mary Oliver

Los Afectados

To add to the interviews I did last week, below is an interview that speaks about the drug war in Mexico and particularly about the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity and the importance of hearing their calls for reform.
6.1.14 by Cecilia Alvarez

“>Varias plantas en el centro de crecimiento de marihuana de O Pen Vape, en Denver (EEUU).

Varias plantas en el centro de crecimiento de marihuana de O Pen Vape, en Denver (EEUU). Foto: Laressa Watlington, Efe

Los afectados

Investigadora en políticas de drogas evalúa posibles cambios a nivel internacional a partir de experiencias de despenalización.

Zara Snapp es mexicana, pero vivió en el estado de Colorado, Estados Unidos, desde los nueve hasta los 25 años. Hizo la licenciatura en Políticas Públicas en Colorado y más adelante la maestría en Harvard, y se ha especializado en investigación en políticas de drogas, además de trabajar en el Movimiento por la Paz con Justicia y Dignidad de México, que nuclea a familiares de víctimas de la guerra contra las drogas. Desde México, evaluó los cambios que implica la propuesta de regulación de la marihuana aprobada en Uruguay y la recién estrenada legalización de la marihuana recreacional en Colorado. Asegura que los cambios en materia de

política de drogas deben surgir desde América Latina.

Aunque ya no vive en Colorado, su familia todavía reside allí. Snapp se ha dedicado a hacer un seguimiento de cómo ha funcionado en los primeros días la venta de marihuana para usos recreativos en ese estado. El primer día, las 24 tiendas que tienen licencia para comercializar marihuana tuvieron ventas por un millón de dólares. Cuenta que, aunque todavía persisten las largas filas en los comercios, todo se ha desarrollado con normalidad. “Uno de los dueños me comentó que el único problema fue que una persona que estaba muy borracha intentó sumarse a la fila”, apuntó. En Colorado, los no residentes pueden comprar marihuana, pero en menos cantidad que los residentes. Snapp estima que eso provocará un aumento del turismo en general. “Lo mismo ha pasado con la marihuana medicinal: mucha gente ha ido a Colorado, muchos padres con hijos con epilepsia”, comentó.

La académica considera que la propuesta de regulación de la marihuana que aprobó Uruguay “está muy bien hecha”, ya que desde el inicio “incluyeron a muchos actores que podrían tener una perspectiva diversa sobre el tema”. “Siento que el debate se profundizó mucho, Uruguay hizo su trabajo”, aseguró. Consideró que “la gran diferencia” con la forma de regulación en Holanda o los clubes cannábicos en España está en que Uruguay propone regular “todo el mercado”, no sólo despenalizar el consumo.

Snapp le augura éxito a la iniciativa, principalmente porque considera que la mayor parte de los consumidores de cannabis “van a querer tener un producto de mejor calidad, van a querer tener ciertos derechos, van a querer poder exigir algo de las autoridades y de las instituciones y no estar arriesgándose y poniéndose en situaciones vulnerables. La gente que consume se va a sentir mucho más segura”, por lo que estima que se reducirá el mercado ilegal de marihuana. Asegura que el hecho de que el precio de la marihuana vaya a ser similar a la del mercado negro también colabora con esto. “Mucha gente va a cambiar totalmente su mercado. En Colorado lo vamos a ver. Si puedes disminuir ese mercado del 100% al 10%, es un gran logro”, dice.

Las víctimas

Desde una realidad distinta a la uruguaya, la académica y activista enfatiza que el debate sobre política de drogas debe ser un debate sobre derechos humanos, en el que se deben tomar en cuenta las consecuencias de la guerra contra las drogas. El Movimiento por la Paz con Justicia y Dignidad surgió con fuerza en México en 2011, después de que el hijo del poeta mexicano Javier Sicilia y seis amigos fueran asesinados por bandas del crimen organizado. En ese entonces se hizo una marcha en silencio con más de 100.000 personas desde Cuernavaca (estado de Morelos) hasta Ciudad de México. Así surgió el “movimiento más importante de víctimas, que empezaba a hablar de cambiar la estrategia de militarización, de cambiar la política de drogas y de construir una ruta hacia la paz y construir la memoria, a diferencia del gobierno, que ha trabajado en disminuir el valor de la gente que ha muerto, porque dicen: ‘Seguro estaba involucrado en algo’. Es dar rostro y voz a las víctimas que hemos tenido en México”.

La guerra contra las drogas, la confrontación militar al crimen organizado, se vive efectivamente como una guerra en muchos estados mexicanos. “No hemos podido enseñar, ni a México ni al mundo, que le puede pasar a cualquiera, que no tiene que ver con tu ocupación o el estatus socioeconómico, sino que estamos en una guerra”, explica Snapp. Las estimaciones señalan que en el primer año del gobierno de Enrique Peña Nieto hubo más de 18.000 muertes por violencia, muchas de las cuales son consecuencia del crimen organizado o del conflicto entre las autoridades y el crimen organizado.

En México hay “varios estados en los que el gobierno no está funcionando, por el poder que tiene el crimen organizado”, señala Snapp, problema que desde hace años pone en cuestionamiento al gobierno mexicano. La pregunta, desde la perspectiva de quienes trabajan en política de drogas, tiene que ver con la alternativa planteada por Uruguay: “¿Cómo puedes quitar los medios que ellos [el narcotráfico] tienen para que los recursos del gobierno vayan a los crímenes que afectan en realidad, en vez de estar enfocados en la incautación, en la persecución de usuarios de sustancias? ¿Cómo separar eso y dar más recursos a las comunidades afectadas [por los secuestros, los homicidios y las consecuencias de la violencia]?”. Lo difícil, según la especialista, es pensar cómo aplicar una propuesta de regulación como la uruguaya a un país con más de 120 millones de personas y un narcotráfico mucho más poderoso. “Pero al mismo tiempo el gobierno regula muchos productos del mercado, y es mejor poner confianza en el Estado que en el narcotráfico”, señala.

Desde acá

En 2016 habrá una sesión especial de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas para discutir la política de drogas, solicitada por Guatemala, México y Colombia. “La última fue en 1998 y entonces se hablaba de ‘un mundo sin drogas’. Muchos años después, vemos que no ha funcionado la estrategia, y ahora tenemos varios países desafiando los tratados. El trabajo que Uruguay está haciendo en anticipación a esa reunión creo que es muy importante”, señala Snapp. Los países que solicitaron la reunión ahora deben presentar nuevas propuestas y construir la agenda, que para la activista tiene que apuntar a “hacer que los derechos humanos sean superiores al control de drogas, no enfocarnos en cómo controlar las sustancias”.

Destaca también el trabajo de la Organización de Estados Americanos, que ha puesto en discusión varias propuestas sobre políticas de drogas, y espera que los países de América Latina puedan “ser pioneros” en llevar una propuesta unificada, “para que se entienda que es la región más afectada por la guerra contra las drogas”. “Las convenciones y los tratados no están funcionando, no son relevantes. El tratado más importante es de 1961 [la Convención Única sobre Estupefacientes], y estamos en un mundo muy distinto: son mercados globalizados, que es necesario confrontar a nivel internacional, con países corriendo riesgos y afirmando que van a hacer algo distinto”, asegura. Destaca que Bolivia fue el primer país en “desafiar” la convención, al reclamar que se eliminara de la lista de estupefacientes la hoja de coca, por ser parte de su cultura. Considera que Uruguay “lo está haciendo ahora”, y espera que “tengamos otros países”. “Antes todos estaban de acuerdo, pero ahora están diciendo que no hay un consenso”.

En ese sentido, la experiencia que lleve el sistema de regulación uruguayo será importante. Snapp confía en que, “por lo que hemos visto con la marihuana medicinal, la iniciativa va a tener éxito y van a poder enseñar que no ha aumentado el consumo, que es lo que siempre dicen”. Asegura que las leyes que despenalizan el consumo “no tienen efectos de aumento de éste consumo”. Cita el caso de Holanda, donde el consumo de sustancias en jóvenes ha disminuido en comparación con el de Alemania y el de Portugal, donde a partir de la descriminalización de las drogas, que comenzó a aplicarse en 2001, el consumo de marihuana en jóvenes no ha aumentado.

El caso uruguayo se utilizará como bandera para que la ONU flexibilice sus tratados

Last week, I did some interviews with the uruguayan media on drug policy reform, the implementation of legal marijuana in Colorado and the current situation in Mexico. For posterity’s sake, I decided to post them below. You can find a direct link here. Thanks to Paula Barquet for providing the opportunity.

“Creo que hay una ola legalizadora de la marihuana”, dijo Zara Snapp, experta en política en drogas

+ Paula Barquet @PaulaBarquet – 05.01.2014, 10:58 hs –

El caso uruguayo se utilizará como bandera para que la Organización de Naciones Unidas (ONU) flexibilice sus tratados, contó a El Observador la méxicana-estadounidense Zara Snapp, egresada de Políticas Públicas de Harvard y activista por la regulación de la marihuana y otras sustancias. Para ella, Uruguay demostró con su ley que la “guerra contra las drogas”, adoptada por la ONU y sus países miembros hasta el momento, “no ha funcionado”. En 2016, cuando se realice una sesión extraordinaria de esta organización internacional para discutir las políticas sobre drogas, Uruguay será la estrella, junto a Colorado y Washington (Estados Unidos). Snapp espera que también acompañen México, Guatemala y Colombia, países que actualmente están debatiendo si legalizar o no.

¿Qué postura prima entre los académicos y especialmente en Harvard respecto a la legalización de la marihuana?

Creo que a nivel académico, los que hablan de regulación o legalización son muy pocos porque la mayoría de la gente no toca el tema de políticas de drogas. Solo hablan los que trabajan en justicia criminal, porque en Estados Unidos el tema más urgente es la encarcelación masiva. La mayoría son afroamericanos y latinos, por lo que subsiste un tema racial y ético muy importante dentro de la discusión. Algunos de lo que salieron de Harvard hablan de la necesidad de bajar penas para el consumo de drogas. En definitiva, creo que hemos visto en los últimos tres años un cambio entre los académicos, que se animan a hablar de esto y vincularlo a otros temas. Por ejemplo, en México, vincularlo a la criminalización y militarización como una violación a los derechos humanos. Pero todavía no se sienten muy seguros.

Desde el punto de vista académico, ¿se considera que Uruguay, Colorado y Washington, van por el buen camino?

En Colorado han hecho estudios en particular sobre cuáles serán las consecuencias de la política y cómo empezar a disminuir los posibles daños de una ley así. En Washington también contrataron a una empresa de consultores para hacer el análisis de costo-beneficio y cuánto necesitan producir. Estos estados han hecho el trabajo de incluir a los académicos.

En términos generales, ¿a su entender cuál de esas es la mejor normativa?

Creo que Colorado ha hecho un buen trabajo. Me gusta la forma de integración vertical, en la que uno vende lo que cultiva. Tú sabes exactamente qué tienes en tu tienda. Creo que Colorado ha ido unos pasos más allá de lo que dice la ley porque sabe que todo el mundo está viendo qué van a hacer, y quieren asegurar que va a ser muy bueno. Creo que es parecido a lo que hará Uruguay porque allí también están siendo muy cautelosos. Saben que es importante que todo salga bien. Hemos visto que en Colorado, donde hace dos días empezaron a vender marihuana recreativa, dicen que no hay ningún problema. Solo filas largas, pero todo está calmado. No ha habido ningún efecto negativo que lleve al gobierno a arrepentirse. En un día recaudaron US$ 1 millón. El gobierno está monitoreando las ventas porque los impuestos serán muy altos. Se ve que la gente quiere acceder al mercado legal igual, porque tienen derechos y pueden exigir mejor calidad.

La ONU tiene una postura contraria a este tipo de políticas.¿Qué importancia tiene para usted?

Es interesante que la ONU tenga esa postura, porque quienes trabajan para la ONU lo hacen para los Estados miembros, entre ellos Uruguay. Es muy importante que Uruguay esté desafiando el tratado internacional de 1971, porque eso significa que no ha funcionado. Hasta ahora, la ONU ha trabajado con un esquema de consenso: ‘todos estamos de acuerdo y por eso seguimos con lo mismo’. El primer país en decir que no estaba de acuerdo fue Bolivia, cuando aseguró que la hoja de coca era parte de su cultura y no dejaría de masticarla por un tratado internacional. Fue el primer desafío. Ahora Uruguay está protagonizando el segundo desafío al decir :“¿Saben qué? La guerra contra las drogas no está funcionando, la región más afectada es América Latina y como país vamos a experimentar”. Es un gran paso en anticipación de una reunión que se hará en 2016: la asamblea general en sesión especial sobre drogas. Será muy importante el caso de Uruguay, y espero que México, Guatemala y Colombia sigan avanzando en estos años. Son los que han dicho en la región que hay que hacer algo diferente. Ellos deberán resolver qué propuesta llevar a esa reunión. Porque, al final de cuentas, lo que sucederá es que más países se van a ir sumando a la regulación de las sustancias y eso va a generar que la gente pueda ver que no todos los Estados están de acuerdo con los tratados. Más bien, lo que hay que hacer es armonizar los tratados de derechos humanos con los de drogas, porque muchos están en conflicto. Los derechos humanos deben ser superiores.

¿Podría mencionar uno de esos conflictos?

La pena de muerte para traficantes. No puede verse como un logro en el control de drogas.

¿Cuál será el eje de la reunión de 2016? ¿Qué está en juego?

La última reunión de esta magnitud fue en 1998 y el lema era “un mundo sin drogas, sí se puede”. Ahora vemos que se están cambiando las perspectivas y las opiniones. No será posible un mundo sin drogas, y es mejor trabajar con lo que tenemos. Creo que más bien lo que vamos a llevar a la asamblea es que no hay consenso en los tratados, que hay países y estados que han reformado sus leyes, y que eso está bien. Si podemos salir de esa reunión con un acuerdo de que cada país tiene soberanía de implementar las políticas que funcionan para su país, eso será un gran logro.

Hay perspectivas legalizadoras en otros países. ¿Cuáles?

Además de México, Guatemala y Colombia, Argentina, con nuevas autoridades, está diciendo que es importante ver lo que hace Uruguay. En Chile también se discute la necesidad de permitir el autocultivo. También Marruecos está discutiéndolo. Es muy interesante ese caso y veremos cómo sigue.

¿Se puede hablar de una ola legalizadora?

Yo creo que sí. Hace cinco años no había este reconocimiento de que la estrategia de guerra no está funcionando y, más bien, nos está retrasando. Hace cinco años no esperábamos esta ola. Creemos que es mejor que el Estado tenga el control de un mercado, antes que el crimen organizado.

Today is a historic day!

For many people, today is a historic day. Beyond being International Human Rights Day, this is also the  day that the Uruguayan Senate votes on a comprehensive bill which regulates the production, cultivation, sale and consumption of cannabis.

The objectives of the law are to reduce the illegal drug market by exerting state control and separating markets, reduce the age of initiation among young people and provide a quality, accessible product to marijuana users. The law also provides for both personal cultivation, medicinal and recreational access, thus becoming the first country in the world to recognize that there are various uses for the plant. President Pepe Mujica promoted the initiative, although there was concerted international pressure from organizations such as the International Narcotics Control Board of the UN and neighbor countries such as Brazil. But Mujica has stayed strong, understanding that this law will radically transform their drug policy strategy and that it is a first step in ending the prohibitionist paradigm.

Uruguay Legaliza

The Uruguayan Congress (or lower house) voted on this measure in June of this year and that was an uncertain vote as it was unclear whether the ruling party, the Frente Amplio, would succeed in getting the 50 votes needed to pass the bill to the Senate. But it did pass and today the Senate will debate the merits and drawbacks of this bill. It is expected to easily pass as the Frente Amplio has a clear majority. If you are interested in watching the vote live, please click here (in Spanish).

A group of civil society organizations, Regulación Responsable, has produced a series of videos that explain the law and that have English subtitles (just click on cc at the bottom).

While many people believe that marijuana has been legalized in other countries, such as the Netherlands, it is important to note that these countries have not actually regulated the full supply chain, but rather have decided to make enforcement of marijuana laws a low priority. By not fully legalizing and regulating, these countries continue to be aligned with the international drug treaties of the UN. Drug policy reformers around the world have celebrated the marijuana regulation initiatives in the Colorado and Washington State, but these measures fail to transform federal law. For this reason, the proposed law in Uruguay goes one step further—openly breaking the UN consensus and clearly stating that prohibition has not worked for their country.

As Mexico and other parts of Latin America (and the world) continue to suffer the consequences of the war on drugs, witnessing high levels of violence, criminalization, homicides, disappearances and full militarization, civil society raises its voice to insist on a change in strategy. Social movements such as the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity in Mexico have come out in favor of the regulation of drugs to move away from war, towards peace and justice. When those most affected by the war on drugs demand respect for human rights, harm reduction and a focus on health, governments need to listen. Today, Uruguay provides us with hope and a first step towards change. Today is a historic day and is the beginning of the end of the war on drugs.

End Operation Streamline

For the next three weeks, I will be on the road with the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity. We began in Denver at the International Drug Policy Reform Conference and we will end on November 15th with a panel with Javier Sicilia and Michelle Alexander.

We began the day at the medical examiners office where they shared about the “undocumented border crossers” whose remains are brought there, the cause of death and how they work to identify the bodies (or in many cases, the remains). On average per year, in the Pima county area, they are brought 175 remains, mainly dead from undetermined causes (but usually exposure to the elements) and they are able to identify 65% of the remains. As you can imagine, this presentation was difficult to hear.

In the afternoon, we were taken to the federal courthouse to bear witness to Operation Streamline. Operation Streamline began in 2005 and was implemented in 2008 in the Tucson region. It is a program that ultimately seeks to criminalize migrants and punish them for crossing the border. Rather than simply deporting these folks, the government has chosen to turn them into criminals. Each day, 70 migrants are brought before a judge and are essentially given the option: either plead guilty, get a misdemeanor offense and serve from 1-5 months in prison, or take your chances at the higher

level court, plead your case and probably receive a much higher sentence. Clearly, most people choose the former “option.”

Today I watched 70 people, mainly from Mexico and mainly young men be criminalized for simply seeking better economic opportunities. These young men (and some women) will serve time in prison, have a criminal record and will be charged with a felony and a longer prison sentence if they attempt to re-enter the United States. Today I watched people shackled at the wrists, waist and feet. They will enter a private prison system where they will work for free and ensure that these private prisons are at capacity. This is called modern slavery. This is state-sanctioned slavery.

When I saw so many of my fellow human beings deprived of liberty and treated so badly, tears welled in my eyes and my heart hurt. As Javier said in his speech tonight, this is an example of people not being protected by the state, but rather being completely criminalized for doing something that does not hurt anyone else. Every day at 1.30pm, I will be thinking of those 70 unique human beings who are being sentenced to a prison sentence simply for crossing an arbitrary line in search of an economic opportunity.

I encourage you to learn more about this—there is some hope. On October 11, activists shut down Operation Streamline by chaining themselves to the buses and not allowing it to continue. For that one day, they could not “streamline” people. Contact your legislators to let them know how you feel. We cannot continue to treat people this way.